Émeutes, rénovation urbaine et aliénation politique

Les trois semaines d’émeutes urbaines d’octobre et novembre 2005 constituèrent un épisode de violence collective exceptionnel, même en France où la tradition protestataire est vive. Leur ampleur, leur concentration dans le temps, leur caractère spectaculaire ont attiré l’attention de la presse internationale. On s’est intéressé ici aux dimensions sociales et structurelles de ces émeutes, en commençant par souligner les effets des différences entre les villes sur le plan démographique, sur celui de la situation de l’emploi et du logement, s’agissant de la ségrégation spatiale et des discriminations. Prenant pour ensemble de référence les communes de plus de 65 000 habitants hors Île-de-France et les communes de plus de 25 000 habitants en Île-de-France, soit environ 210 villes, l’article précise les déterminants sociaux de l’émergence des émeutes dans certaines de ces communes et pas dans les autres.

Riots, urban segregation and political alienation in France

Three weeks of urban riots of October and November, 2005, were an exceptional collective episode of violence, even in France where the tradition of protest is lively. Their scale, their concentration in the time, their spectacular character drew the attention of the international press. We are interested here in the social and structural dimensions of these riots, underlining first the effects of the differences between cities on a demographic plan, on that of the employment situation and housing, as regards to the spatial segregation and discriminations. Taking for reference set the municipalities of more than 65 000 inhabitants except Île-de-France and the municipalities of more than 25 000 inhabitants in Île-de-France, that is approximately 210 cities, the article clarifies the social constraints of the emergence of the riots in some of these cities and not in the others.

Chiffrer les programmes politiques lors de la campagne présidentielle 2007. Heurts et malheurs d’un instrument

La controverse autour du chiffrage budgétaire des programmes politiques émerge à la suite des tentatives de l’Institut de l’entreprise visant à installer un dispositif de calcul impartial et extérieur aux partis. Localement utilisé par les journalistes et provisoirement investi par les équipes de campagne, l’instrument de chiffrage tend à neutraliser ses résultats et est proche de jouer le rôle d’arbitre du débat public sur les questions économiques et budgétaires. Échappant en partie à la maîtrise tactique des candidats, la mesure des coûts d’un projet se mue en contrainte plutôt qu’en une source de rendement pour le professionnel de la politique. Les alliances précaires nouées autour du chiffrage " non partisan ", qui en faisaient sa force objective, s’effondrent quand l’impératif politique de l’emporter dans la campagne électorale devient trop pressant.

Political programs budgetary cost assessment. The case of the 2007 presidential election in France

The debate around political program assessment arises in France with the attempts of the Institut de l’entreprise to settle an impartial calculating device outside of the political parties. Occasionally used by journalists and temporary allowed by political parties, the instrument of calculation is near to be neutral and to play the arbitrator role in public debate on budgetary and economics matters. By escaping to politicians’ strategies, cost assessment is more a constraint than a political output. Precarious coalitions tied around impartial figuring, that made its objective strength, collapse when the necessity of election victory becomes too critical.

Des mots pour des voix. 132 discours pour devenir président de la République française

Words for votes. 132 speeches to become president of the French Republic

Lexical analysis of the speeches given by the four major candidates for the French presidency in 2007 is analyzed here. Their vocabulary, themes and sentence construction show their style and communication strategies. Particular emphasis is given to the two finalists. Most important themes in S. Royal’s campaign were : "presidential programme", "status of work", defence of "public services". N. Sarkozy gave priority to "purchasing power", history of France, and "national identity", choosing not to mention his opponents’ names. For Royal, politics means "moral responsibility" and "ability to rule", whereas for Sarkozy it means "self belief" and "will". Lastly, S. Royal’s sentences are much longer and more complex, but the vocabulary does not vary according to the theme. N. Sarkozy uses very short sentences which he often repeats, and the vocabulary is specific to the subject he is dealing with.

Le crépuscule des catégories socioprofessionnelles

En France, la nomenclature des catégories socioprofessionnelles a longtemps occupé une place centrale dans la représentation du monde véhiculée par l’Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (Insee). À partir d’une étude exhaustive de deux publications statistiques (Insee Première et Données sociales), les auteurs montrent que l’usage de la catégorie sociale se raréfie depuis quelques années au profit de deux autres variables, le diplôme et le revenu. Une telle évolution s’explique par la montée en puissance des modèles économétriques, mais aussi par la transformation des conditions de recrutement et de formation des statisticiens. Dans un pays où la statistique publique constitue une référence incontournable, une nouvelle représentation du monde " social blind " tend ainsi à s’imposer.

The twilight of the French categorisation of social positions

In France, the nomenclature of the social and occupational groups occupied for a long time a central place in the representation of the world conveyed by the National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies. From an exhaustive study of two French statistical publications, the authors show that the uses of the social category decline for some years for the benefit of two other variables, the diploma and the income. Such an evolution is due to the rise of econometric models but also by the transformation of the conditions of recruitment and training of statisticians. In a country where the public statistics constitute an obvious reference, a social blind representation of the world tends to lead.

Parler d’une seule voix. La naissance de l’Union professionnelle artisanale et la (re)structuration du syndicalisme artisanal au tournant des années 1970

L’article entend revenir sur les conditions de la création d’une structure de représentation unifiée du secteur artisanal, l’UPA, troisième grande organisation patronale en France. Celle-ci résulte bien moins d’une logique rationnelle d’opposition à l’intrusion de protestataires, nouveaux entrants sur le marché de la représentation, que d’un effet de révélation sur l’espace à occuper, aux côtés des PME. La mutation de la structure d’opportunité politique, avec le poids du clivage politique et de l’alternance de 1981, a permis à l’organisation d’être élevée au rang de partenaire social. Une telle reconnaissance, qui contribue à privilégier une forme néocorporatiste de l’action collective, met également à jour les tensions et les ambiguïtés inhérentes à l’identité artisanale, entre petit patronat et indépendance, et conduit inéluctablement à la prévalence de l’identité d’employeur du groupe de cause.

Speaking with one voice. The birth of the UPA and the (re)structuration of the French Crafts’ Confederations in the 70s

The purpose of the article is to examine the conditions of the creation of a unified representative structure for the self-employed sector, namely the UPA, which is the third largest employers’ union in France. The emergence of such a structure owes less to a rational logic of opposition against the intrusion of the new anti-establishment associations than to the presence of a new, previously unoccupied niche on the market of representation, next to the small and medium-sized business associations. Thanks to the evolution of the structure of political opportunities, the organisation has managed to become a fully-fledged social partner. Such a recognition tends to favour a form of neo-corporatism in collective action, it also sheds light on the inherent ambivalence in the identity of artisanship, balanced as it is between independent work and small family firms, and it inevitably helps tilt the balance towards a more employer-oriented type of defence group.

Conceptualiser la " diplomatie des villes ", ou l’obligation faites aux relations internationales de penser l’action extérieure des gouvernements locaux

The international action of local governments is to be thought by scholars today. More exactly, the concept of " diplomacy of cities " is understood by the professionals " as a tool of local authorities to promote the social cohesion, the prevention of conflicts and the post-conflicts reconstruction ", and it is explicitly submitted by these — in the international network which gather them — to the judgment of specialists of International Relations Studies. We contribute to this effort of conceptualization by redrawing its practical and theoretical genealogies. In different contexts, European and American, the multiple and muddled practices of the territorial sub-State entities on the international political stage led — in the course of time — the political analysts to build their understanding of these as a transformation or contesting of the traditional diplomatic action of States, as well as of States themselves.

Conceptualising " city diplomacy ", or the obligation imposed on international relations to theorize local authorities’ activities abroad

The international activities undertaken by local Governments are today becoming an object of interest for researchers. More precisely, professionals are now taking the concept of " city diplomacy " as being " a tool used by local authorities to promote social cohesion, prevent conflicts and further post-conflict reconstruction ", and they are explicitly submitting this understanding, within the international network to which they belong, to the scrutiny of International Relations specialists. This article contributes to this conceptualization effort by retracing the practical and theoretical genealogies of the term. Within different contexts, both European and American, the multiple and uncoordinated practices of sub-national authorities on the international political scene have, over time, led political scientists to understand these practices in terms of a transformation or a challenge to traditional State-led diplomatic activity, as well as to the States themselves